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UKRAINE
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I have come to the Senate floor again today to talk about the situation in Ukraine--this is the 21st week in a row since we have been in session that I have done so--and to talk about how Ukraine is responding to Russia's brutal and unprovoked attack on that sovereign country--an ally of ours, a democracy.
This is a map of Ukraine. You can see here where the Russian invasion came back in 2014 and where they are now. You can also see some progress being made in blue as the Ukrainian military pushes back on this latest invasion.
Last week, I was able to visit Ukraine and to go to Kyiv, the capital, along with a colleague of mine across the aisle, Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota. Senator Klobuchar and I believed it was important to demonstrate bipartisan support for Ukraine at a very critical time. She and I will be back here on the Senate floor, together, later this week to talk further about this trip. The trip came on the 6-month anniversary of Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine. It also came in the same week that Ukraine began a counteroffensive against the Russian invasion here in the Kherson area. It also came at a time when there was increased concern about the nuclear powerplant at Zaporizhzhia here. The powerplant is actually right here near this red line. Inspectors from the U.N.--United Nations--International Atomic Energy Agency visited this Zaporizhzhia nuclear powerplant last week, which is Europe's single largest nuclear powerplant.
We began our trip in Poland, where we met with the leadership of the elite 101st Airborne Division, which is stationed in south Poland. The 101st is a unit with a long, proud history, including of participating in the daring airborne assaults on D-day, in striking deep within enemy lines during Operation Desert Storm, and in serving with distinction in the Global War on Terror.
As its motto attests, the 101st had a ``rendezvous with destiny'' during pivotal moments in our country's history. Now they have another rendezvous with destiny. In Poland, they are not only bolstering allied defenses in Eastern Europe--here in Poland but really all around Eastern Europe--but they are also conducting a very important mission: They are facilitating the delivery of vital military assistance to Ukraine from 42 other countries--other than the United States--all around the world. These soldiers are really at the tip of the spear of America's historic effort to arm Ukrainian soldiers with the tools they need to protect themselves and to protect their democracy.
I also got to meet soldiers from the 101st from my home State of Ohio. They told me of the Polish people's welcoming of them. They said that people are so grateful for what the American soldiers are doing there in Poland. They feel so much better knowing that the American presence is there. One guy told me about walking down a street in Poland and of someone coming up and hugging him just to say thank you. He was a little surprised by that.
The senior leaders of the 101st briefed Senator Klobuchar and me on how the military assistance mission is going and on what is actually happening on the battlefield against the Russians.
In Ukraine, Senator Klobuchar and I traveled to Kyiv to meet with senior Ukrainian officials, including President Zelenskyy, Defense Minister Reznikov, Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak, and others, as well as members of their Parliament, which is called the Rada. We also traveled north of Kyiv to see firsthand where Russian forces committed unspeakable atrocities against defenseless, innocent Ukrainian civilians during the initial stages of this war. We also saw where Russian forces were stopped dead in their tracks--in the early assault on the capital--by brave Ukrainian defenders.
During our meeting with President Zelenskyy, the very first thing that he wanted to say was thank you--thank you to the American people for being such great partners and strong allies in helping Ukraine defend itself. He and his leadership team know well the vital role that America's assistance has played in helping Ukraine not just to defend itself against Russia's illegal, unprovoked, and cold-blooded invasion but now to actually push Russian forces back and begin to liberate territory in some places, like in the southern part of Ukraine.
It was a common theme of our trip that we heard from all Ukrainians regarding their thankfulness to America. They are immensely appreciative of what the American people have done, the fact that we have stepped up and led in helping Ukraine in this fight for freedom. By the way, because of that, because of America's assistance and America's leadership, they are very optimistic about their future.
We spoke about many topics with President Zelenskyy, including the situation at the Zaporizhzhia nuclear powerplant, which has grown increasingly dangerous over the past few weeks. The Russians have captured this plant and now have taken the Ukrainian employees of this nuclear powerplant--the biggest in Europe--captive and have intimidated them in various ways. We were told about their being harassed. There have even been reports of torture and of working at gunpoint. Now Russia is reportedly using explosives to destroy electrical infrastructure from the plant that takes electricity into Ukraine. They want to cut off the infrastructure that goes into Ukraine and steal the energy for themselves.
Remember that this is not just the biggest plant in Europe; it provides 20 percent of the electricity for Ukraine. It allows Ukraine, actually, right now, to sell some of its electricity to other countries, which is helping with regard to Ukraine's serious budget problems.
The Russians are also using this nuclear powerplant as a military base essentially--as a nuclear shield. This is playing with fire. They are firing artillery, which is positioned at the plant, on the Ukrainian forces nearby, knowing that the Ukrainians cannot fire back.
Russia has already irresponsibly used oil and gas energy as a weapon of war. We have seen this. We have seen what they have done to Europe. They have said to Europe: If you don't stop all of these sanctions, we are going to cut off your energy. In fact, Nord Stream 1 now has been cut off, causing great harm and pain in Europe. So they are using energy as a weapon already.
We have seen them use food as a weapon of war--totally irresponsible--including actually bombing Ukrainian grain bins with grain that is absolutely essential right now to places like Sub-Saharan Africa to be able to survive because they depend so much on Ukrainian wheat, corn, and sunflower oil. Now, they are taking it to the next step. Now, they are actually using nuclear power and this military base as a weapon of war.
Using nuclear power and these reactors as a tool in this war is a reckless escalation, risking a catastrophe. We can have on our hands the worst nuclear disaster since Chernobyl. I encourage President Putin to do the right thing and demilitarize this area around the plant. This is dangerous to the entire continent, including to Russia and the rest of Europe. Allow these workers to do their jobs without this kind of pressure and ensure there is no leakage from the plant. President Zelenskyy agreed with us in our meeting that that is the way this should be handled: It should be demilitarized.
I note that today the United Nations' IAEA inspectors at the plant have also said there should be a demilitarized zone around the plant. I also heard today that two members of this inspection team who visited last week when we were there will now be staying at the plant for an uncertain period. That is good news, that there actually will be some inspectors there from the United Nations. It is a step in the right direction, at least. What Russia needs to do is to back off this plant and demilitarize the area.
We know that Russia's ultimate plan here is to disconnect this nuclear powerplant from Ukraine's grid, as I said, and connect it to the Russian grid. This is a theft of power, plain and simple. This plant, which is the largest in Europe, produces, again, 20 percent of Ukraine's electricity.
We also talked to President Zelenskyy about the various weapon needs that they continue to have. He talked specifically about how effective the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System, or HIMARS, has been. These are weapons that the United States has provided to Ukraine, about 16 of them. Also, the UK and Germany have provided comparable systems to Ukraine, and they have been extremely effective. They have used these missile systems to target Russian ammo depots' logistics lines that are within Ukraine but are far from the frontlines. They are destroying these ammo depots--these command posts, these pieces of critical infrastructure--and this is causing disarray in Russia's ability to supply, control, and maneuver its forces.
We have heard repeatedly that Ukrainian military morale has been lifted by these HIMARS because of their ability, finally, to reach these Russian positions and reach the Russian artillery that previously was out of reach of the Ukrainian artillery. They said they were sitting back with impunity and destroying Ukrainian cities, killing civilians and killing soldiers without having any consequences. Now, they are feeling some consequences. They also said that not only is the Ukrainian morale increasing but that the Russian morale is decreasing. It is deteriorating as the Ukrainians make progress.
HIMARS have been in use by the U.S. Armed Forces for over a decade; yet even the soldiers I talked to at the 101st told us how surprised they were at how resourceful and creative the Ukrainians were in using and maintaining these systems.
Ukrainian soldiers clearly have the ingenuity as well as the will and the determination to fight. If we continue to provide them with these tools that they need to be able to be successful, Ukraine will persevere over time and preserve its freedom and independence from Russian domination.
The point I would like to make, really, is that what we did here in this Chamber by voting for this aid that resulted in these HIMARS is making a huge difference in Ukraine.
After meeting with President Zelenskyy, we visited some of the suburbs outside Kyiv. Collectively, these places tell the story of Russia's failed attempt to capture Kyiv.
We first visited Irpin. It is a small town about 30 minutes outside of Kyiv. Before the war, Irpin was a quiet town where people lived and worked in peace, but Russia's invasion in February brought horrific violence there.
As these pictures show our walking through Kyiv--Senator Klobuchar and myself--you can see the destruction to the civilian targets, to these apartment buildings. The Russian forces assaulted Irpin with no regard for civilian property or civilian life. Everywhere we looked, we saw destroyed businesses, apartment buildings, cars. We saw bullet holes everywhere, massive holes in the sides of buildings. You can see where tank rounds were fired through buildings. We also saw small craters in parking lots from mortars. Thankfully, a lot of the civilians were able to flee the violence just before the Russians reached the city, but not all had that opportunity. Irpin's mayor estimated that up to 300 civilians were killed in Russia's assault on the town.
We also visited the nearby town of Bucha--a name that has, unfortunately, become synonymous with war crimes and Russia's atrocities during this war. During the few weeks that Russian soldiers controlled this small town in March and April, unspeakable crimes were committed there, including rape and torture and the executions of hundreds of civilians.
Senator Klobuchar and I went to the Church of St. Andrew--a beautiful church but, sadly, also the site of a mass grave dug by Russian soldiers. There, the Russians buried dozens of innocent Ukrainians, civilians who were tortured and murdered at the hands of the Russians.
Our visits to Irpin and Bucha were sobering. It is one thing to see the destruction of apartments and other civilian targets on television; it is another to see it firsthand and to talk to the people--the locals, the residents--about what happened. It is hard to believe that such things can happen in the 21st century.
Senator Klobuchar and I also visited Hostomel Airport, which is outside of Kyiv. This photograph is of the airport and of some of the destruction there. This is the Deputy Minister of Interior of Ukraine, who joined us there.
This airport was meant to be Russia's forward operating base for its assault on Kyiv. It was assaulted by elite Russian airborne forces and experienced Chechen fighters on the very first day of the war--February 24--with a plan to secure the airport and use it for ferrying in troops and equipment and flying in Russian forces to take over Kyiv and take over the country.
However, these troops had landed deep into Ukrainian territory, and brave Ukraine soldiers--mostly inexperienced but highly motivated national guard troops--counterattacked the Russian invaders at the airport and fought ferociously. Remember, these were elite Russian airborne troopers who had come into this airport. Yet they were defeated by Ukraine's national guardsmen, most of whom had never seen combat before.
We had the opportunity to speak with some of the soldiers who were there at Hostomel Airport during Russia's initial assault. The national guard commander, who was there that day, told us about his unit's heroic efforts to defend the airport that day and the next day and the next day and about the men he lost, including several captured soldiers who are still prisoners of Russia 6 months later.
I asked him how they could have been successful beating the odds. He said simply:
We were fighting to defend our families, our freedom . . . our homeland, and that's why we won.
Hostomel Airport is where Ukrainian forces won their first major victory against the Russian invaders and where they stopped Russia's northern advance dead in its tracks. If you look at this map, you can see what the Russians intended to do and what actually happened. They intended to come into the airport here, north and east of town, take over Kyiv, topple the government, and eventually take over all of Ukraine. Eventually, because of the fighting and the Ukrainian troops that pushed back, they ended up going through Belarus, back into Russia, and now are in this area.
So if this war had not been successfully prosecuted at Hostomel Airport, it would have been a very different outcome. You would have seen Kyiv fall. You would have seen the President's government fall--
the duly elected government of Ukraine, President Zelenskyy--the Rada, the Parliament, fall. This war could have been over very soon if that had happened. But, thankfully, it did not. And, again, it is because of the bravery and courage of the Ukrainian National Guard.
Hostomel Airport, to me, is a symbol of Ukrainian resistance, of Ukrainian victory in the face of overwhelming odds. And I was very honored to meet some of the brave heroes who were there that day and liberated the airport.
We also met with members of Ukraine's Parliament, called the Rada, from various political parties, including David Arakhamia. David is the majority leader in the Parliament and one of Ukraine's chief negotiators with the Russians. We spoke about the current state of the war and the future of the conflict, including possible paths of victory for Ukraine. The consensus was that the only way that Russia would come to the bargaining table would be if the sanctions could be further tightened and if the Ukrainians continued to make progress on the battlefield. Victories in the east and the south give Ukraine more leverage at the bargaining table when negotiations begin. That is why it is so important, you see here in the light blue, some of the success the Ukrainian soldiers have had recently, even in the last week or so, as well as up here around Kharkiv.
In each of our meetings--with the 101st Airborne, the President and his top advisers, the Secretary of Defense--we spoke extensively about ensuring proper oversight and accountability for U.S.-provided assistance, including military assistance. The 101st Airborne told us they had a sophisticated ``end-use monitoring'' program for weapons with the ability to track all of the military equipment being transferred to Ukraine. I am happy to report that much progress is being made on that front.
The United States has spent billions of dollars to support Ukrainians in the defense of their nation, and it was appropriate. But Ukrainian officials understand that it is important that we provide transparency to this funding. They do not take it for granted. They know this funding is ultimately accountable to the U.S. taxpayer. They are eager to demonstrate to their allies to the West that they are using these weapons and this equipment properly and to great effect on the battlefield.
So we have good partners here who want to be sure that we do have this transparency. They have been providing significant visibility on the weapons and equipment, we learned, as it has been received from the United States, and they will continue to do so. The goal is to be able to track the delivery of every single weapon down to the individual serial number all the way to the frontlines.
We left this trip with several takeaways. First, the genuine gratitude of the Ukrainian people and the government of Ukraine, the feeling of common cause with the people of America. Forty-plus countries have provided military equipment and other support. The Ukrainians recognize that if it weren't for these weapons and training that the United States and our allies have provided to Ukraine, their country might very well be part of Russia today. And they know that America has led the efforts.
Some officers from Embassy Kyiv told us that a few weeks ago, they ordered takeout from a restaurant. They got some cheeseburgers. And in the bag that was delivered to the Embassy, the local restaurant personnel had written: Thank you for the HIMARS.
Remember, HIMARS are these rocket assault systems. HIMARS has now become a household name in Ukraine. They are so appreciative that they have the ability to defend themselves.
Second, it was remarkable to Senator Klobuchar and me to learn just how much of an impact our military assistance is having on the battlefield. In the opening stages of the war, that was the Javelins--
remember, the anti-tank missiles that were a decisive weapon that halted the slow advance of the Russian armored columns toward Kyiv.
Now, in this stage of the war, it is the HIMARS and the anti-aircraft weaponry. Every day, Ukrainian forces are pounding Russian positions all across the frontlines, particularly in the south. In fact, the day before we arrived in Kyiv, they launched their long-awaited counteroffensive in southern Ukraine. And from what I hear in Ukraine from both U.S. and Ukrainian officials, it is clear this counteroffensive would not have been possible without our help. HIMARS strikes have softened up Russia's position in the south and made it possible for the counteroffensive that is going on right here, tonight, as we speak.
Again, as you may recall, the Russian artillery was out of reach before and was just pounding Ukrainian forces and civilians with impunity.
HIMARS have also struck command posts, which is very important because that has crippled Russia's ability to effectively command and control its forces. They have also struck some really important bridges across the country, including one here that is incredibly important to Russia to be able to supply its troops. So this has isolated some of these Russian forces and prevented them from being able to maneuver to support one another.
Our assistance in Ukraine is having a significant and positive impact on the battlefield, and we must not stop now and squander the progress that we have made.
The money is being well-spent in the defense of freedom. The weapons we are providing are giving the Ukrainians a real chance at leveling this battlefield and giving them an opportunity to win back their lost territory.
My third takeaway from this trip is that we need to do more for Ukraine both in the short term and the long term. President Zelenskyy made an appeal to Senator Klobuchar and me for the United States to provide Ukraine with ATACMS, which are Army Tactical Missile Systems. These can be fired from the HIMARS launchers currently in Ukraine, and they have significantly longer range and longer reach than the missiles we are currently providing. It seems to me these missiles would be an important part of their arsenal, from what we learned from both American and Russian briefing and Ukrainian briefings.
President Zelenskyy also requested more air defense systems: short, medium, and long-range. His rationale was very simple. He wants the 7 million Ukrainians who have left his country to be able to return, and they want to return. Having met with refugees in two previous trips this year to the border of Poland, Moldova, and talked to these refugees, all of them want to go back. But when it is safe, they will be able to go back. So having more air defense systems at every range--
short, medium, and long-range--would enable people to come back.
This is crucial because this is one of the issues now, is that Ukraine's economy has been reduced by about 40 percent because of the terrible war that is being waged. If these people could move back to Ukraine, get back to work as normal, pay taxes, begin to become part of the economy again, this would be the most helpful thing to Ukraine's budget problems and their economic woes.
With a layered air defense system, they could close its skies to the Russian missiles, protect its people, and get life across much of Ukraine back to normal.
I am glad the Biden administration has already acted on some of the request to provide more protection for the skies by pledging eight National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile Systems, or NASAMS, in conjunction with our German allies. I urge the Biden administration and other partners to do more to respond to this request.
Ukraine is where we are engaging in the fight for freedom in this generation. And it is not just about Ukraine. For years, Russia and China have been saying that the West is in decline, that the United States and our allies are weak-willed and untrustworthy. That is certainly what President Putin thought when he invaded Ukraine. He thought he would divide NATO, divide the West, and that we would not respond; that Ukraine and our allies would fold; that we would just stand aside and let it happen. We have proved him wrong so far, not only by aiding Ukraine but protecting the region.
The recent announcement that we were sending 250 of the best tanks in the world--the Abrams battle tanks, which are made in my home State of Ohio--to Poland is a commitment to the region. It is a commitment to Eastern Europe. This will send a critical message to Russia that the United States stands for freedom not only in Ukraine, but all throughout Europe and the world.
I thank our European allies for all they are doing as well and urge them to continue to step up their support for Ukraine. After all, their own ability to remain free may very well rest on Ukraine remaining free. As one Ukrainian told me on this trip: Ukraine is the shield for democracy for Europe.
We must show Vladimir Putin's cynicism about the West, that he is wrong. America has always stood by its values: freedom, democracy, and the right of nations to chart their own futures and to live in peace with their neighbors. We cannot stop now. Most of us who serve in this Chamber understand that, and so do the vast majority of American people.
Ten days ago, before I headed overseas, I marched in the Ukraine Independence Day Parade in Parma, OH, just outside of Cleveland. I was with two national leaders in the Ukrainian community: Marta Liscynesky and Andy Futey. I proudly marched with them. There were over 60 entrants in this parade. It went on and on and on. The large turnout, both in terms of participants and spectators, was a demonstration of the support for Ukraine.
Ohio is home to tens of thousands of Ukrainian Americans who do not want to see Ukraine become part of some renewed Russian empire. They want Ukraine--their homeland--to remain free and sovereign. And the so-
called Nationalities Community--from Slovenians to Poles, from Georgians to Lithuanians--all have the same understanding of the direct threat that Russia poses. They know Ukraine is on the frontlines of a larger battle for freedom. So many Ohioans have rallied together to support Ukraine from all backgrounds.
In closing, I want to thank everyone who helped make our important trip possible, including the State Department and our allies in Ukraine and including our military colleagues in Poland.
It is important that Congress continue to show our strong support for Ukraine, particularly during this critical period for the country's future. The stakes are so high.
This is a fight about global freedom, self-determination, democracy, and respect for territorial integrity. All of us--the United States and our allies--need to stand up because the alternative is a far more dangerous and volatile world, and that affects all of us. Forty-two freedom-loving allies of the United States have stood together in support of Ukraine militarily. Dozens of others have helped in other ways. But all nations around the world are carefully paying attention to what happens in Ukraine, not just our allies but also our adversaries.
We have shown the world that America and allies didn't back down after 6 weeks, not even after 6 months. We haven't faltered. We must commit to continuing to help Ukraine defend itself until Vladimir Putin understands that Russia's borders end where freedom begins.
``Slava Ukraini'' and Godspeed to the brave soldiers of Ukraine.
``Heroyam Slava.''
I yield the floor.
____________________
SOURCE: Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 142
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